by Doug Bandow at www.cato.org
Religious repression typically occurs in Islamic or
authoritarian regimes. Saudi Arabia, China, Iran, Cuba, Pakistan and
Burma come to mind. But it appears that European democracies are not
immune from the virus. Unfortunately, Hungary has adopted legislation
which undermines this most basic liberty.
Hungary has a well-earned reputation for fighting for freedom. It was
the locus of revolutionary ferment in 1848, which was suppressed by the
Austrian empire only with the help of Tsarist Russia. In 1956
Hungarians revolted against their Soviet overlords. Although the
revolution was brutally crushed, the people's spirit of resistance
forced the new Hungarian communist leadership to rule with a lighter
economic hand. In 1989 Budapest turned the modest freedom wave rolling
through the Soviet bloc into a tsunami by tearing down the border fence
with Austria. The result was a large break in the Iron Curtain which
could not be closed.
Democratic Hungary joined both the European Union and NATO. With the
implosion of the left-leaning government last year Fidesz, the Hungarian
Civic Union, and its smaller partner, KDNP, the Christian Democratic
People's Party, won more than two thirds of the National Assembly seats.
(Fidesz is by far the dominant partner; the two parties run on a shared
list.) Prime Minister Viktor Orban took office with an opportunity to
transform his nation.
Unfortunately, however, the observation that a parliamentary system
often turns into a democratic dictatorship proved to be true. Prime
Minister Orban has exhibited authoritarian tendencies.
Over the last year, reports the human rights group Freedom House,
Hungary moved backward in terms of civil society, independent media,
national democratic governance and judicial independence. The individual
setbacks were modest, but collectively represent a worrisome erosion of
basic liberties. Freedom House still rates Hungary as free, but moving
in a negative direction.
Explained the organization, the new government reduced various
governmental checks and balances. The Orban ministry also "curtailed
freedom of speech through the adoption of new media legislation;
intimidated the judiciary by summoning judges to parliamentary hearings
on cases related to the riots of 2006; changed election procedures to
give the ruling parties an edge in the October municipal elections; and
nationalized the savings in a system of compulsory private pension
funds."
Much attention has focused on the government's restrictive new media
law. Reported Freedom House: "Hungary received a downward trend arrow
due to the government's efforts to consolidate control over the
country's independent institutions, including the creation of a new
media council dominated by the ruling party that has the ability to
impose large fines on broadcast print, and online media outlets."
The State Department raised similar concern in its annual report on
human rights. New laws "broadened the range of views whose expression
was illegal" and "concentrated authority over the media in a single
government body with wide-ranging authorities." A report for the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe warned that the
legislation introduced "stricter regulation, more pervasive controls and
limitations on freedom of expression."
While the government might not abuse its new powers, the temptation
to punish journalists for the content of their speech, especially when
it is critical of the government, will be strong if not overwhelming.
Moreover, journalists will feel pressure to self-censure. For instance, a
public radio station suspended two employees who held a moment of
silence to protest passage of the new law.
Less remarked upon but equally serious is the threat posed by a new
law on religious liberty. Until now there had been little complaint over
the government's treatment of believers. In fact, Budapest had been
returning property seized during communist rule.
However, in July the parliament, with little debate, hurriedly
adopted the "Law on the Right to Freedom of Conscience and Religion, and
on Churches, Religions, and Religious Community." The Institute on
Religion and Public Policy, with which I am affiliated, warned that the
legislation "is the most egregious example of a disturbing trend in
Hungary to undermine human rights."
Under the law, only 14 of 362 Hungarian religious organizations
registered under the earlier law (passed in 1990) will be officially
recognized. As a number of Hungarian human rights activists pointed out
in an open letter, "Among the churches that were discriminated against
are, to mention only a few, Hungary's Methodist, Pentecostal, Adventists
and reform Jewish churches; the Salvation Army and Jehovah's Witnesses;
and all the Islamic, Buddhist, and Hinduist congregations."
Other than the 14, any religious association seeking official
sanction will have to demonstrate its presence in Hungary for at least
20 years, obtain 1,000 signatures, gain the support of a government
minister, pass review by the National Security Service, and win a
two-thirds vote of parliament. At the last minute the government
substituted parliamentary for judicial review. This system, explained
the Institute in its detailed assessment of the legislation, is "the
most burdensome registration system" in Europe. Observed one
Hungarian newspaper, "Gods are now sitting in parliament" who get to decide who constitutes a church and who does not.
The law represents discrimination more characteristic of "countries
such as Russia and Malaysia" rather than liberal democracies, noted
Paula Schriefer of Freedom House. The Institute warned that "a tiered
system offering an inferior religious status to minority faiths violates
the right to religious freedom and the right to be free from religious
discrimination." In a challenge to similarly discriminatory Austrian
legislation, the European Court for Human Rights opined: "a distinction
based essentially on a difference in religion alone is not acceptable."
Without question those faiths at greatest disadvantage will be those
with smaller numbers of adherents and less popular doctrines. The
20-year requirement helps protect existing churches — institutions as
much as beliefs — from challenge. In fact, Zoltan Tarr, General
Secretary of the Hungarian Reformed Church, was open about his support
of the measure for this reason: "We wanted a new law to make it more
difficult to establish churches here — and we're happy the present
government has now done something." He added that: "We're very much for
freedom of worship and believe everyone should have the right to
practice their religion. But this law represents a positive step, since
it excludes quite a few communities which don't legitimately qualify as
churches." Russia did much the same, though with a less onerous 15-year
standard. It was a system designed to benefit the Orthodox Church and
other established faiths.
Tossing recognition into parliament is an invitation to abuse.
Observed the Institute: "Registration is reduced to a beauty contest,
requiring a substantial majority vote, allowing votes to be cast on
purely discriminatory grounds while making a mockery of the strict
requirements of impartiality and neutrality in matters of religion. The
law authorized the state to employ the lethal weapon of religious
doctrine and beliefs." Indeed, the legislation was initially proposed by
the sectarian KDNP. Party Chairman and Deputy Prime Minister Zsolt
Semjen said he wanted to "make order" since it was "abnormal" to have so
many churches.
So far, at least, unofficial churches will continue to be able to
operate, though they will not be allowed to call themselves "churches."
In the short-term the major effect of the legislation may be to limit
which churches can receive cash from the government — subsidies actually
have been increased this year, even though Budapest recently went to
the International Monetary Fund for potential financial help.
Direct public funding of religion always is a bad idea, especially
for churches themselves. It is no coincidence that the least vibrant,
most decrepit churches in Europe are state churches dependent on the
state for succor. In contrast, religious liberty, which necessarily
includes separation from the state, in America has delivered a far more
vibrant community of faith.
However, many of the funds went not to religious promotion but to
social services "for the homeless, the elderly and the poor," noted the
activist letter-writers. Whether public monies should be funneled
through religious institutions even for such good works is an important
question — and one debated in the U.S. However, discriminating against
particular faiths is wrong, the sort of dangerous sectarianism which
Americans sought to prevent through the First Amendment.
Moreover, not just money is at stake in Hungary. Having derecognized
most churches, Budapest will deny accreditation to any schools managed
by those churches. That represents a significant threat to educational
as well as religious liberty.
Indeed, explained the Institute for Religion and Public Policy: "key
activities for religious organizations such as operating
religious-spiritual, educational, training, higher educational, medical,
charitable, social family, child or youth protection, culture or sport
institutions or carrying out these activities; producing or selling
publications and religious objects necessary for the religious spiritual
activities; and partial utilization of a real estate used for church
purposes will no longer quality as religious activities for
de-registered religious associations. Instead, they will be considered
as economic activities for de-registered organizations while they
continue to be considered religious activities for religions that remain
registered."
The National Security Service review was added through an amendment
from the extreme nationalist Jobbik party. Whether directed against
Muslims or members of other faiths, the measure provides largely
unreviewable grounds for restricting religious liberty. Warned Institute
chairman Joseph Grieboski, "It is simply improper to play the 'national
security' card to build long term restrictions and impediments into
normal religious association laws."
As serious as is the law's practical application today, the measure's
future implications are even more worrisome. Dividing churches and
faiths through political decisions based on arbitrary criteria and
political decisions threatens free religious belief and practice.
Religious minorities would be a convenient scapegoat should economic and
political problems grow in the future. A country which suffered so
under communism should be particularly sensitive to the potential for
abuse of government power.
Of course, the danger in Hungary pales compared to the problem of
religious persecution elsewhere. In Egypt, for instance, violent attacks
on the Coptic minority are increasing. In Afghanistan and Iraq, both
supported by U.S. troops, Christians and other religious minorities
suffer discrimination and worse.
However, Washington's policy inconsistencies and hypocrisies are
evident to the world. It is important for the U.S. government — and,
more importantly, the American people — to speak out when the violator
of religious liberty is a historically Christian nation, friendly state
and member of the European Union and NATO. And especially when the
violator should know better, as with Hungary, which has suffered so much
under tyranny and struggled so hard to gain freedom.