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Some members of Congress are anxious to undo sequestration,
 ignoring the inconvenient fact that they created the process in the 
first place. Instead of accepting responsibility, they are proposing legislation that
 would force the White House to outline the effects of the cuts. And 
people wonder why Congress’s approval rating is at an all-time low.
But there is more than enough blame to go around. The 
Republican-controlled House, the Democratic-led Senate, and the Obama 
White House had a chance to implement a range of proposals aimed at 
deficit reduction last summer. They chose to kick the can down the road,
 empowering an independent, bipartisan panel to make the tough choices 
for them. That effort failed.
If the Super Committee was unable to hammer out a compromise when the
 conditions were ripe last summer, it is unlikely that one will 
materialize this summer. Sequestration may be the only way to achieve 
real spending cuts. Let’s let it happen.
To be clear, sequestration is not the best way to cut the military 
budget, or federal spending overall. It wasn’t supposed to happen at 
all; the threat of spending cuts was supposed to compel the various 
parties to reach a compromise. But it may be the only feasible way to 
cut spending. And it isn’t going to get any easier in the future.
The Democrats are beginning to show their hand: this was never about cutting spending; it was always about raising taxes. Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA) explained yesterday that
 her party would allow the cuts in defense and nondefense spending to go
 forward, and the Bush tax cuts to expire, if Republicans didn’t agree 
to tax hikes on the wealthy. That isn’t likely to happen, and not just 
because the GOP is being stubborn. A sizable majority of 
Americans—Republicans and Democrats alike—are in favor of cutting military spending. More than half want to extend the Bush tax cuts for all.
Still, there are some Republican 
politicians who have always been willing to raise taxes in order to 
protect the Pentagon, despite what the public says it wants. I don’t 
fault Democrats for holding Pentagon spending hostage as much as I fault
 Republicans for allowing themselves to be maneuvered into a corner.
The GOP has a straightforward way out of the box: allow the defense 
and nondefense cuts to go forward, refuse a tax increase, and 
renegotiate a debt reduction deal that doesn’t leave entitlements—the 
real drivers of our long-term fiscal calamity—off the table.
Sequestration likely won’t be as bad as special interests and those 
in favor of ever-increasing military spending claim. The reductions 
would only apply to FY 2013 budget authority, not outlays. The Pentagon 
and Congress will then have greater flexibility starting in FY 2014 to 
adjust the reductions under the BCA spending caps. In the meantime, many programs could continue on funding already authorized.
We must also keep the cuts in proper perspective. The DoD base budget
 under sequestration would total $469 billion, about what we spent in 
2006, which was not exactly a lean year for the Pentagon. And as for the
 claim that the military cuts will result in perhaps one million lost 
jobs, that seems implausible considering that the cuts would amount to 
less than three tenths of one percent of GDP.
More to the point, the defense budget should never be seen as a jobs 
program. In a dynamic, market economy, capital and resources adjust to 
changing demand. Some regions and municipalities that are relatively 
more dependent upon military spending might suffer some short-term 
effects, but there is evidence that economies reliant on the military can recover. Some regions could emerge stronger and more diversified. Other reporting indicates that some businesses are already positioning themselves to weather reduced government spending.
Americans spend more today on our military—in real, 
inflation-adjusted terms—than during the high point of the Reagan 
buildup. Some might justify these expenditures by claiming that the 
world is much more dangerous today. But the evidence for that is pretty 
thin. The Soviet Union on its worst day could do more damage in a few 
minutes than al Qaeda has managed to inflict in over a decade. We are 
safer than most politicians are willing to admit.
If they embraced our good fortune, policymakers could cut military 
spending without undermining U.S. security. Shifting resources from a 
relatively unproductive and inefficient sector to a more productive one 
would be good for the economy. And lower military spending could even 
improve our foreign policy.
It simply isn’t fair to saddle fewer troops with more missions. If we
 cut spending and reduced the size of the U.S. military, policymakers 
would have to be more discriminating in the use of force. But greater 
restraint by the United States would encourage other countries to take 
responsibility for their own security, and share in the costs and risks 
of policing the global commons.
Strategic spending cuts informed by a realistic assessment of today’s
 threats would be ideal. Sequestration may not reach this ideal, but it 
may be the only way to achieve actual cuts in military spending.
 
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