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North Korea’s “Dear Leader” Kim Jong-il is dead.
There is now no prospect of negotiating and implementing a new nuclear
agreement with the North in the near future. The so-called Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea is likely to be consumed with a power struggle which could turn violent. Washington’s best policy option is to step back and observe.
After his stroke three years ago, Kim anointed his youngest son, Kim Jong-un, as his successor.
However, the latter Kim has had little time to establish himself. The
previous familial power transfer to Kim Jong-il took roughly two
decades. There are several potential claimants to supreme authority in
the North, and the military may play kingmaker.
Some observers hope for a “Korean Spring,” but the DPRK’s largely
rural population is an unlikely vehicle for change. Urban elites may
want reform, but not revolution. If a North Korean Mikhail Gorbachev is
lurking in the background, he will have to move slowly to survive.
During this time of political uncertainty no official is likely to have the desire or ability to make a deal
yielding up North Korea’s nuclear weapons. The leadership will be
focused inward and no one is likely to challenge the military, which
itself may fracture politically.
Nor is China likely to play a helpful role. Beijing views the status
quo as being in its interest. Above all else, China is likely to
emphasize stability, though it may very well attempt to influence the
succession process outside of public view. But China does not want what
America wants, preferring the DPRK’s survival, just with more
responsible and pliable leadership.
Washington can do little during this process. The United States
should maintain its willingness to talk with the North. American
officials also should engage Beijing
over the future of the peninsula, exploring Chinese concerns and
searching for areas of compromise. For instance, Washington should
pledge that there would be no American bases or troops in a reunited
Korea, which might ease Beijing’s fears about the impact of a North
Korean collapse.
Most important, the Obama administration should not rush to
“strengthen” the alliance with South Korea in response to uncertainty in
the North. The Republic of Korea is well able to defend itself.
It should take the steps necessary to deter North Korean adventurism
and develop its own strategies for dealing with Pyongyang. America
should be withdrawing from an expensive security commitment which no
longer serves U.S. interests.
Kim Jong-il imposed unimaginable hardship on the North Korean people.
However, what follows him could be even worse if an uncertain power
struggle breaks down into armed conflict. Other than encourage Beijing
to use its influence to bring the Kim dynasty to a merciful end, the
United States can—and should—do little more than watch developments in
the North.
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